English translation of KoSIF’s Korean content — the Korean version is the authoritative source.
The Present and Challenges of Korean ESG
The Direction of Sustainable Finance according to
Karl Chun Seung Yang, Executive Director of KoSIF
While ESG has become an
essential mandate for corporate management, anxiety over "where to
go" is deepening amidst rapidly changing global standards and geopolitics.
In times like these when baselines are shifting, it is crucial to retrace the path
we have walked and reflect on what we must not lose sight of.
Since its founding in 2007,
the Korea Sustainability Investing Forum (KoSIF) has consistently stood at the
frontlines during every turning point that reshaped the market landscape over
the past two decades. As we move past the era of declarations and stand on the
cusp of an actual transition, we sat down with Executive Director Karl Chun
Seung Yang, who has personally driven this movement on the ground. Together, we
look back at the defining moments of Korean ESG and contemplate the next
challenges ahead of us.
Key Topics Covered in This Article
Q. Since
2007, when the concept of ESG first surfaced, KoSIF has taken the lead in
researching and expanding it. Looking back at your activities, what do you
consider to be the defining "inflection points" in the landscape of
Korean ESG?
First and foremost, it was introducing CDP (formerly the Carbon Disclosure Project) to South Korea in 2008. Driven by financial institutions, CDP is the world's unique independent environmental disclosure platform. It requests corporations to disclose environmental information spanning climate change, water, forests, and biodiversity, and integrates this data into investment decision-making.
Prior to 2008, South Korea was
grouped into the broader Asia-Pacific region (excluding Japan) for corporate
disclosures. Considering the scale of Korea's economy and corporate activities,
we determined that a dedicated framework was necessary. Consequently, KoSIF
pushed for the introduction of CDP to Korea and persuaded the Association for
Sustainable & Responsible Investment in Asia (ASrIA)—the executing agency
at the time—to launch a dedicated Korea program. Today, approximately 700
domestic companies disclose climate and environmental information to investors
through it. I take great pride in the fact that the CDP, operated by our forum,
is contributing substantially to raising corporate climate responses and
climate disclosure capabilities.
Second was our contribution to
establishing the legal foundation that enables the National Pension Service
(NPS) to take ESG into account. Recognizing the massive influence the NPS
wields over the capital market and corporate behavior, our forum continuously
supported relevant legislation. This bore fruit in 2015 when we helped amend
the National Pension Act, laying the groundwork for the NPS to consider ESG
factors during fund management.
Third was organizing the nation's very first "Coal-Exit Financial Institution Coalition" in 2018, transforming divestment from coal into a major agenda for Korean society. In 2021, ahead of the P4G Seoul Summit (Seoul Green Future Summit), we led 112 financial institutions to declare coal-exits, support the TCFD, and join the CDP through the "Climate Finance Support Declaration for Achieving Carbon Neutrality." This effectively spearheaded the mainstreaming of climate finance in Korean society.
Q. Last
November, South Korea finalized its 2035 Nationally Determined Contribution
(NDC) at a 53% to 61% reduction compared to 2018 levels. What are your thoughts
on this target?
Looking
at the numbers alone, it reads as an "upgraded target." However, the
value of a policy is judged not by mere figures, but by its "pathway"
and "implementation." While the government undoubtedly weighed
various elements to determine this target, the current national reduction
target leaves three major regrets.
First is the range-based
target of 53% to 61%. Such a broad range merely leaves political wiggle room,
and the market typically operates based on the lower bound (53%). We need a
mechanism that locks in a single, definitive figure alongside annual carbon
budgets for every five-year period leading up to 2050, accompanied by an
automatic adjustment system that triggers if deviations exceed a certain
threshold. Ultimately, it is the credibility of the pathway, not the target
itself, that moves capital.
Second, the "map"
for the power sector transition is blank. If a concrete pathway detailing
"where, what, and by when" remains invisible, it is difficult for
corporations and financial institutions to move. The government must move beyond
simply listing tools across various sectors—such as power, industry, buildings,
and transport—and clearly quantify specific goals as soon as possible.
Finally, the just transition
of industry must not be a mere slogan; it must be presented as a "project
pipeline". The government should disclose Best Available Technology (BAT)
deployment curves for each sector—such as steel (hydrogen reduction), cement
(clinker reduction and alternative fuels), petrochemicals (electrification and
heat recovery), and semiconductors/batteries (procuring carbon-free energy). It
should design a package of policy finance, guarantees, tax incentives, and
green premiums to provide differential support based on reduction performance
per ton. What we need instead of declarations is a scheduled timeline for
assembly line replacements and a structured financing framework.
Alongside this, demand
management and a just transition must be discussed in tandem. In particular,
the principle of "leaving no one behind" must be backed by budgets
and institutional systems, not just rhetoric. Climate response governance also
needs a redefinition. The National Committee on Climate Crisis Response must be
granted sufficient authority and responsibility to act as a "pathway
manager," a "data hub," and a "fiscal coordinator,"
making it the core engine driving the transition.
Q.
Recently, the Financial Services Commission (FSC) unveiled its mandatory ESG
disclosure roadmap, transition finance guidelines, and climate finance
activation plans as part of its productive finance initiative. How do you view
this policy direction?
Regarding the mandatory ESG disclosure roadmap, I personally find it highly
regrettable. The government's plan mandates climate disclosures starting in
2028 (for fiscal year 2027) targeting KOSPI-listed companies with assets worth
30 trillion KRW or more, while granting a three-year grace period for Scope 3
emissions, delaying them until 2031. Furthermore, the disclosure channel is set
to begin via exchange disclosures before eventually transitioning into legally
mandatory disclosures.
While this is slated to be
finalized in April following public feedback on the draft, it is difficult to
shake the impression that the overall policy momentum is slow. Given that the
initial target encompasses a mere 58 companies, this roadmap falls far behind
Japan—our competitor in the global supply chain. At a time when more than 200
companies are already voluntarily publishing sustainability reports, a policy
that delays mandatory disclosure is an anti-business measure that risks turning
first-rate corporations—who are fully prepared to compete in overseas
markets—into third-rate companies. To secure competitiveness under a climate
economy system, industries, corporations, and finance must collectively alter
their DNA toward a climate-friendly direction. It remains highly questionable
whether the current loose disclosure roadmap can sufficiently catalyze such a
transformation.
Climate disclosure
fundamentally signals a "transition" into a low-carbon economy.
Transition finance relies heavily on corporate climate information. Although
the FSC announced plans to scale up climate finance to 790 trillion KRW between
2026 and 2035 and released transition finance guidelines, the mandatory
disclosure targets for the climate information that underpins financial
institutions' investment choices remain highly restricted. This feels like an
inconsistent approach where the front and back do not align.
What matters most in
transition finance is preventing carbon lock-in and greenwashing. Furthermore,
as the government sets its sights on securing a "Korea Premium"
beyond simply hitting a KOSPI 5,000 milestone, the disclosure framework needs
to be engineered in a way that sharpens corporate climate competitiveness. I
sincerely hope these aspects are fully reflected in the final announcement in
April.
Transition finance does not
operate as an isolated policy. It requires an integrated approach where
disclosure, finance, and industrial policies operate in unison. It can only
function properly when mandatory ESG disclosures are legislated early on, carbon
pricing is implemented, an industrial restructuring roadmap is carved out, and
appropriate regulations on financial practices are executed with consistency.
Q. You
proposed "ESG Capitalism" as a new form of capitalism. Could you
explain what this concept entails?
The core
of "ESG Capitalism" is not a complete rejection of capitalism, but
rather a redesigning of its rules of engagement around sustainability. In
short, it means that ESG must position itself not merely as a tool for driving
corporate profits, but as a fundamental market rule that governs the entire
economy.
We are currently living in an
era where the very "conditions of survival" are under threat. While
we have achieved spectacular technological advancement and economic growth, the
reality is that humanity's life-support systems are faltering due to the
climate crisis and ecological degradation.
As I noted in my recent book, ESG
Capitalism, I believe capitalism has developed over the past 250 years by
relying on a few central myths: the myth of infinite capital substitution,
absolute decoupling, the omnipotence of market prices, the omnipotence of
technology, and the equation of GDP with welfare. Crucially, natural
capital—such as climate, biodiversity, and the absorption capacities of
freshwater and soil—cannot recover once it crosses a tipping point. The costs
of crossing those boundaries increase exponentially. Given these limitations, a
fundamental reassessment of how our economic system operates is imperative.
Q.
Ultimately, this discussion seems tied to the future direction of the South
Korean economy and its financial system.
Exactly.
I believe the climate crisis and severe inequalities we face today are direct
outcomes of our current economic system. Under the conventional framework,
environmental destruction and social costs were never properly internalized
within economic operations; instead, that burden was shifted onto society as a
whole.
Therefore, the ESG capitalism
I propose means internalizing Environment, Social, and Governance not as a
matter of corporate ethics or public image, but as a core operational principle
of the economic system. In other words, ESG must become the standard for
capital allocation and corporate management—shaping investment choices, capital
costs, corporate valuations, supply chain management, and business
strategies—rather than existing as a mere report or an evaluation metric.
When this happens, companies
will compete while accounting for environmental risks, social responsibility,
and long-term sustainability, rather than chasing profits in isolation.
Ultimately, ESG capitalism is not about abandoning capitalism; it is a new economic
paradigm aimed at upgrading its rules so that capitalism can operate
sustainably.
Now that Korean ESG and
sustainable finance have entered the stage of institutionalization, what
matters is not the declaration itself, but creating the pathways and systems
that link it to actual implementation. Only when disclosures, finance, and
policy mesh organically can the transition truly become a reality.
In this
first installment, we explored Karl Chun Seung Yang’s insights focusing on the
present status and upcoming challenges of Korean ESG. In Part 2, we will look
into the critical awareness that led to the founding of KoSIF, alongside its
vision as it approaches its 20th anniversary.